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A Review of the Literature
June, 1997
Barry S. Brown, Ph.D.
University of North Carolina at Wilmington
Sections
- Definition and Application to Drug Abuse Treament Programming
- Needs Assessment Data Collection Strategies: TABLE 1
- Structure of Paper
- Needs Assessment Strategies: Surveys
- Needs Assessment Strategies: Problem-Oriented Measures of Drug Use
- Needs Assessment Strategies: Ethnographic Measures
- Assessing Community Resources to Provide Treatment
- Conclusions
- References
Needs assessment is a practice used to understand the nature and extent of a health or social problem in a community where there
is the intent to ameliorate or otherwise respond to that problem. The findings from a
needs assessment are used to inform decisions regarding policy, program, budget, or all
three. Needs assessment strategies are grounded in research and therefore permit planning,
programming, and the expenditure of resources to be guided by data rather than subjective
judgments or political considerations.
Needs assessment is also the term given to strategies used to clarify the issues to be addressed in the treatment of individuals and
relates specifically to the process of determining individual needs and functioning at
intake into treatment. For the purposes of this report, however, attention will be focused
on needs assessment undertaken by and for the community in regard to drug abuse treatment.
In that spirit, the strategies described will be those employed to clarify the direction
and urgency of drug abuse treatment nationally and within a community.
With particular regard to drug abuse treatment,
needs assessment strategies examine how well or how poorly the current service delivery
system is providing for the treatment needs of the community. Typically, the questions
asked are concerned with understanding whether the existing drug treatment programs meet
community needs in terms of the numbers and types of clients being served.
The specific questions for needs assessment
regarding treatment may include the following: Are drug abuse treatment programs seeing a
significant proportion of drug users in the community? Are drug abuse treatment programs
seeing clients that reflect the drug-using characteristics of the community? Are programs
seeing the particular kinds of drug users (e.g., opiate users) of concern to the
community?
Because needs assessment is designed to fulfill a
community concern (e.g., whether resources committed to drug treatment are adequate), the
community should be involved in setting the parameters of study. The involvement of
community members in formulating the questions to be explored can forestall any risk that
community interests and concerns are poorly addressed. Indeed, the involvement of persons
responsible for authorizing a community needs assessment in planning and conducting the
study not only prevents later misunderstanding, but also encourages cooperation from all
segments of the community in conducting the assessment and increases the likelihood of the
ultimate utility of the findings (Boyer & Langbein, 1991).
Other issues may require clarification prior to the
initiation of a needs assessment in a community. It must be made clear from the outset
that a needs assessment study is not an efficacy study. In the case of needs assessment
regarding drug abuse treatment, community members will learn about the effectiveness of
their treatment program or programs in accessing drug users in the community; they
will not learn about the effectiveness of those programs in modifying the negative
behaviors of the clients treated. Nonetheless, as suggested by Kimmel (1992), the more
effective the community's treatment programs, the more useful will be the community's
needs assessment. Indeed, conducting a needs assessment can be viewed as an expression of
confidence regarding the effectiveness of the community's treatment programs.
It should be established whether the needs
assessment regarding drug abuse treatment is concerned narrowly with treatment demand or
more broadly with treatment need. Treatment need exceeds demand (i.e., the number of
persons who can be seen as having a need for drug abuse treatment is greater than the
number who make themselves available to treatment). Typically, the community is concerned
with understanding treatment need (i.e., understanding the potential requirement for
services) as well as treatment demand (i.e., the immediate need for services) (McAuliffe
et al., 1994).
In this regard, it is important to adopt definitions
of treatment need and treatment demand prior to undertaking the needs assessment. Treatment
demand is defined as all persons seeking treatment or referred to treatment over a
selected time frame. Treatment demand embraces all those admitted to treatment and all
those requesting or referred to treatment for whom treatment is unavailable. The latter
would include all those on waiting lists, refused admission, and dropping out after making
application. Treatment need is defined as all drug users included under the
definition of treatment demand and also those in the community who can benefit from or
require drug treatment. Determination of the numbers of community members who benefit from
or require treatment may be based on the application of diagnostic criteria, such as the Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) (Regier et al., 1988); the
application of a drug use index comprising frequency, dependence, and one or more
functional problems (Gerstein & Harwood, 1990); the use of an index of frequency and
recency of drug use (Brown, Rose, Weddington, & Jaffe, 1989); or the measurement of
gaps in the use of treatment services comparing treatment clients with drug users
identified in other community agencies (e.g., health care or criminal justice settings).
The definition of treatment need employed has
implications for the assessment strategy adopted. Where treatment need is defined in terms
of diagnostic criteria or through application of drug use indices, the assessment strategy
likely will require a community survey employing probability sampling. Where treatment
need is defined in terms of differences between treatment clients and drug users seen in
other community settings, the assessment strategy likely will require surveys conducted in
agencies chosen for their significance in serving drug users and will probably employ
nonprobability sampling. It is noteworthy that although DSM criteria are generally viewed
as providing the most carefully developed and widely respected measure of treatment need,
only two states rely on DSM criteria in determining treatment need (Minugh, n.d.). This
likely reflects less a dissatisfaction with those criteria than insufficient resources to
undertake the assessment strategy that the definition implies.
It is important to emphasize that conducting a needs
assessment carries with it the implication that the needs identified will be addressed
through increased or modified treatment programming. The identification of problems in the
absence of intent or capacity to resolve those problems can be little other than
demoralizing to the community. The response to the communitys identified needs will
likely demand the commitment of people, time, and dollars. In this regard, the individuals
responsible for addressing identified needs should be known, and either the resources for
responding to identified needs or a plan for acquiring those resources should be
available. In some instances, additional resources may be unnecessary or minimal;
treatment programs may be addressing community needs adequately, or the needs assessment
may show that only minor adjustments are required to address identified problems. For
example, a treatment program may be inaccessible to some portion of the potential client
population because of its location or its hours of operationproblems that may be
remedied with relatively modest expenditures. However, other identified needs, such as the
underrepresentation of significant parts of the drug-using population, are more likely to
require significant resources for their resolution.
To be useful, the needs assessment must be conducted
in a timely manner. The problem to be addressed is likely urgent, and as such, the
community is primed to take action on the basis of an increased knowledge base. The needs
assessment should be conducted with the sense of urgency felt by the community, bounded
only by concerns about the rigor of the study being conducted and the accuracy of its
findings.
Finally, it is desirable, and perhaps essential, to
replicate the needs assessment in succeeding time periods. Thus, there may be a concern
with determining the extent to which correctives developed to respond to needs assessment
findings are effective in reducing the problems identified. Repeated needs assessments
also are used to clarify the changing nature of community needs, for example, to clarify
changes in the drug-using behaviors of community residents. It is important to have
current information about drugs in use and the characteristics of drug users.
Overview and Conceptual Framework
In sum, needs assessment identifies the numbers and
characteristics of the population requiring services (i.e., immediately seeking or having
a capacity to benefit from services). In this regard, needs assessment is a critical
aspect of community planning, clarifying the needs of community residents on the one hand
and permitting informed decision making with regard to the allotment of resources in
meeting those needs on the other. The term need in this context refers to the
capacity to derive benefit from treatment services. However, a distinction between demand
and need can be made in association with the urgency with which those services are
required. With drug abuse treatment, the distinction between need and demand is typically
made in terms of individuals receiving, requesting, or referred to treatment (demand) and
individuals whose use of drugs creates problems for them and their communities (need).
Note that estimates of need may include demand within them.
As depicted in Table 1, and as described below, the
data-gathering strategies for achieving estimates of need and demand involve a mix of
direct measures (i.e., population surveys employing probability sampling), indirect
measures (i.e., assessments based on the impact of drug use and drug users on health,
social service, and criminal justice systems), and ethnographic study (i.e., information
based on observation and/or description derived from individuals experiencing the
phenomena at issue).
Within drug abuse treatment, the development of
population estimates of treatment demand has been viewed as a comparatively easy task.
That is, treatment demand can be reasonably constructed from the compilation of clients in
treatment, clients awaiting treatment, and clients referred for treatment. All of these
are known or readily accessible figures. Estimates of treatment need are dependent
on data that are typically far less accessible. The several data resources shown in
Table 1 and reviewed in this paper assess both different and overlapping parts of the
population. To characterize the size of the population typically requires the use of
estimation models in conjunction with the data gathered. Estimation models have long been
in use in drug treatment planning, chiefly for understanding numbers of "hard
core" drug users (i.e., heroin and cocaine users) (Person, Retka, & Woodward,
1977). While having their ultimate utility as the basis for estimates of need and demand,
the data collection strategies shown also are used to monitor change in the rates and
characteristics of the drug-using population over time and to characterize the
significance of drug use for different service systems.
Although much needs assessment activity involves
estimating the size and clarifying the nature of drug-using and risk populations, a second
area of concern involves describing the nature and extent of services required to respond
to the need or demand identified. To determine the size and character of that response
obviously calls for a description of the size and character of the population to be
served, but it also calls for a description of services available in the community. This
suggests an assessment of the nature and quantity of services currently being provided,
the extent to which available services are and are not being accessed, and, where
essential services are not being accessed, the impediments to their use. The will and
capacity of the community to provide resources also may need to be assessed. The
frequent unwillingness of communities to establish new treatment settings may have its
counterpart in an unwillingness to make available services or new dollars.
Sections
| Treatment |
| Direct Measures |
Demand |
Need |
| Population Surveys |
|
X |
| Indirect Measures |
Demand |
Need |
| Indicator Data: Health Care |
X |
X |
| Indicator Data: Criminal Justice |
X |
X |
| Indicator Data: Social Service |
|
X |
| Indicator Data: Work Site |
|
X |
| Community Experts |
X |
X |
| Ethnographic Measures |
Demand |
Need |
| Observation |
|
X |
| Key Informants |
|
X |
| Focus Groups |
|
X |
Sections
This paper is most concerned with reviewing the strategies employed
to conduct drug abuse treatment needs assessment in the community. The strategies
described are drawn largely from the field of epidemiology and include survey techniques
as well as field studies and ethnographic investigation. The paper explores the strengths
and weaknesses of each strategy described, issues of cost, and implementation. Estimation
models, which make use of the data gathered through these strategies, also are described.
Because needs assessment strategies vary in their validity and in
the expense associated with their conduct, communities may find themselves making
difficult choices between more elaborate, rigorous, and expensive data-gathering
strategies on the one hand and approaches that are more restricted in their coverage on
the other. The latter are more likely to raise questions regarding credibility, while
being more feasible in terms of cost. In all situations, but particularly in those
using less rigorous techniques, it is important that investigators interpret their data
with caution. The findings should not be overinterpreted lest the investigators undermine
the credibility of their work. At the same time, findings from limited, carefully
conducted investigations can be used to provide clarification regarding drug abuse
problems and programming needs in a community. Budgets are finite, and most communities
will be in the position of purchasing the best needs assessment available to them with the
limited dollars at their disposal. In that spirit, it is important that any discussion of
needs assessment realistically addresses issues of cost and benefit associated with the
range of strategies available.
Any understanding of community needs is incomplete without an
understanding of the resources a community has available to address identified problems.
Consequently, the paper explores strategies for assessing community resourcescurrent
and potentialthat can address the identified programming needs.
In addition, the paper examines strategies for communicating
findings from needs assessment to community members to promote their greater utility by
the community. If the needs assessment report is to be broadly useful, its communication
to the community must be carefully planned and implemented.
Sections
Household Surveys Making Use of Probability Sampling
General population surveys are widely regarded as "among the
most common and reliable methods of obtaining useable data for a needs assessment"
(United Way of America, 1982). The population survey employing probability sampling
permits the selection of subjects who can be seen as statistically representative of the
study population. Thus, the sampling strategy permits every individual in the population
of interest to be available to the survey. In that sense, it permits the unbiased
selection of individuals and the unbiased canvasing of needs. If the interview or
questionnaire used to assess needs is found to measure needs consistently over periods
during which no change would be expected (i.e., is reliable) and accurately reflects the
behaviors or attitudes of respondents (i.e., is valid), the resulting survey can be seen
as providing a powerful tool for needs assessment. Indeed, population surveys employing
probability sampling have been the backbone of the national effort to conduct needs
assessment.
In 1970, the Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse was created by
Congress to advise the executive and legislative branches regarding policy and action in
the area of drug abuse. In 1971, the Commission undertook the Nationwide Study of Beliefs,
Information and Experiences to clarify American thinking and behaviors about marijuana
use. That first survey eventually led to the current National Household Survey on Drug
Abuse (NHS). Today, the NHS is stratified (e.g., for age and ethnicity), employs area
probability sampling of persons aged 12 and older living in U.S. households, and
oversamples individuals between the ages of 18 and 34 (Turner, Lessler, & Gfroerer,
1992). The data collection strategy involves the use of a structured, closed-ended,
face-to-face interview in which the respondent is guaranteed confidentiality and
anonymity. Self-administered answer sheets are completed by the respondent for several
sensitive questions (National Institute on Drug Abuse [NIDA], 1991a; Substance Abuse and
Mental Health Services Administration [SAMHSA], 1995). Surveys have been conducted under
NIDA and now SAMHSA sponsorship since 1974 at intervals of 1 to 3 years, permitting a
monitoring of trends in drug use for the past 20 years. In addition, the NHS survey
strategy was recently applied to a study of drug use in the District of Columbia (NIDA,
1994a).
The Epidemiological Catchment Area (ECA) survey also was
influential. The ECA sampled respondents in five communities between 1980 and 1984 to
determine rates of depressive disorders, anxiety disorders, drug abuse/dependence, and
alcohol abuse/dependence in the general population. The ECA used face-to-face interviews
but employed DSM-III criteria to define respondent status and, by extension, to define
community treatment need (Regier et al., 1988). The study revealed unexpectedly high rates
of psychological disorder in the general population and underscored the importance of the
relationship between substance abuse/dependence and psychological disorders.
Well-conducted probability surveys of the population at risk afford
the clearest guarantee of obtaining samples that accurately reflect the larger population
from which they are drawn, again assuming measures are valid and reliable. In sampling
from households, there is the potential for making the population of concern virtually
everyone in the community, or in the case of the NHS, virtually everyone in the country.
The disadvantages of probability sampling relate primarily, but not
exclusively, to cost. Kimmel (1992) notes that the cost of conducting a statewide survey
with a large enough sample to permit analysis by region would require nearly $3 million.
As discussed below, McAuliffe and his colleagues (1994) have designed a telephone survey
to reduce cost by eliminating the need for face-to-face interviewing.
The use of a household survey can have limitations beyond cost for
understanding treatment need. The respondents reached through a household survey
constitute a comparatively stable portion of the population and, therefore, are likely to
provide a biased picture of treatment need. That is, those in need of drug abuse treatment
are more likely than others to live outside stable households (e.g., in college dorms, on
city streets or in shelters, in mental health or penal settings) and, therefore, risk
being unrepresented in a survey restricted to households. Moreover, one can posit that the
more likely that a drug is associated with a particular subgroup (e.g.,
"ecstasy" with college students) or lies outside mainstream experience (e.g.,
heroin), the less likely it is to be reported by respondents in a household survey.
Understanding the rates of use and the characteristics of the users of those drugs is
significant to treatment planning. Thus, in assessing treatment need, surveys of
households need to be augmented by studies of selected risk populations. Indeed, in 1991,
the sampling frame for the NHS was broadened to include homeless shelters, military bases
(civilians only), college dorms, and other nonhousehold settings.
In addition to the necessity of sampling all relevant parts of the
population, there is a need to make certain that the instruments and procedures used to
gather data guard against error. As described by Gfroerer, Gustin, and Turner (1992), two
kinds of error are a particular concern with assessments of drug use and treatment need.
On the one hand, the respondent may make cognitive errors reflecting lack of understanding
or capacity to follow the interview or questionnaire demands, or reflecting deficiencies
in memory. On the other, the respondent may be inclined to give socially desirable
responses to questions that are designed to tap sensitive areas of behavior. As reported
below, a variety of strategies have been developed to reduce ambiguity and
misunderstanding regarding interview or questionnaire items and to reduce undue demands on
memory. Similarly, self-administered answer sheets have been incorporated into interview
schedules, which, together with guarantees of confidentiality and anonymity, have been
used to reduce the risk of respondents giving socially desirable responses. Finally,
completed surveys are subject to quality-control procedures to make certain that client
responses are consistent across items tapping comparable behaviors and issues.
Surveys of Targeted Populations
Surveys have been conducted of various groups within the larger
population that are of particular concern to drug abuse programming. Groups such as school
dropouts and delinquents have been chosen for their especial significance for prevention
programming and groups such as homeless and criminally involved adults have been seen as
having an especial significance for treatment programming. The surveys have made use of
probability-sampling strategies for high school and military populations, and
nonprobability sampling for those other populations whose numbers and characteristics are
unknown, making probability sampling impossible.
The Monitoring the Future study, or the National High School Senior
Survey as it is frequently known, has been conducted annually since 1974 under NIDA
sponsorship. The study involves stratification (by size, geographic region, urbanicity,
etc.) of schools and a multistage process to obtain a probability sample of high school
students. Written questionnaires, rather than face-to-face interviews, are administered as
a part of routine school activity (Johnston, O'Malley, & Bachman, 1989, 1995). Like
the NHS, the Monitoring the Future study affords an opportunity to monitor trends in drug
use for an identified population over an extended period. Whereas the identified
population for the NHS includes all those living in households, the identified population
for the Monitoring the Future study are the members of a restricted age group.
In addition to student populations, surveys have been undertaken of
military personnel (Bray et al., 1983, 1986; Burt & Biegel, 1980) and of offenders
incarcerated in state facilities (Innes, 1988).
Surveys Using Nonprobability Sampling
Surveys focusing on populations less accessible than households,
high school students, armed forces personnel, or prisoners have used nonprobability
sampling strategies. Populations have included homeless persons, runaway youth (who can be
seen as part of the homeless population), school dropouts, and the users of public health,
mental health, criminal justice, and social service agencies. In addition,
out-of-treatment drug users (i.e., drug users located in street settings) have been
sampled to understand their drug-using and risk-taking behaviors relative to the human
immunodeficiency virus (HIV).
These surveys require (a) a definition of the population in
question; (b) a sampling strategy that guards against bias in the selection of
respondents; and (c) the use of an instrument that guards against error in self-reported
behaviors and other areas of inquiry.
In terms of study design, it is important that the sample drawn
meets criteria that accurately describe the population of concern. For example, describing
a population as homeless requires a definition in terms of some minimal period of time
living on the streets or in shelters. The definition chosen will set the parameters for
the population and allow the cautious generalization of findings.
The size and characteristics of these populations are not
sufficiently well known to permit probability sampling; consequently, the investigator is
under an obligation to do everything feasible to ensure that the sample drawn reflects the
population in question adequately; that is, the sample contains no known biases. Thus, a
sample of homeless persons would not be drawn solely from a shelter population, but would
include the streets, soup kitchens, day-care facilities, and so on. Ideally, respondents
would be obtained from these different settings in proportion to the use made of them by
the homeless. An additional strategy employed in nonprobability surveys has been a use of
targeted sampling (Watters & Biernacki, 1989) in which the investigators assess the
characteristics of the population being sampled (e.g., gender and ethnicity in
out-of-treatment drug users in a community) and correct the sample as it is being drawn to
reflect those characteristics. It is also apparent that in nonprobability surveys, it is
particularly urgent to keep refusals to be interviewed to a minimum and to avoid biasing
the sample in the direction of those respondents most likely to volunteer for study (e.g.,
those most in need of the compensation typically offered to subjects).
As with probability sampling, it is important to ensure that the
measure employed makes use of a vocabulary and format that is comprehensible to the target
population and asks sensitive questions in a manner that permits honest responses. Again,
it is crucial to guarantee each respondent's confidentiality and anonymity.
A review of surveys of homeless populations has been reported by
Dennis (1991), a review of surveys of homeless women by Smith and North (1992), and the
report of a comprehensive survey of the homeless population in Washington, DC, by NIDA
(1993). A review of studies of adolescent runaways is available from Farber (1987), and
studies of out-of-treatment populations are available from NIDA (1994b) and Brown and
Beschner (1993).
Issues in Survey Methodology
A number of innovative strategies have been employed in conjunction
with drug use surveys in an effort to reduce inaccuracies associated with cognition and
social desirability, and in an effort to reduce cost. Anchoring interviewees' responses to
time frames made relevant through the recall of personal experience was useful in reducing
response error (Hubbard, 1992). In anchoring, individuals volunteer events for those time
frames about which they will be queried regarding drug use or other behaviors. Individuals
then can use those events to anchor in time their responses.
Self-administered questionnaires, permitting privacy in responding
to sensitive questions, appear to reduce the influence of social desirability on
reporting. Thus, Turner, Lessler, and Devore (1992) found greater reporting of drug use
when respondents were permitted to use self-administered questionnaires than when
respondents answered face-to-face queries.
Concerns about cost have led to experimentation with telephone
surveys as an alternative to face-to-face studies. In a review of studies of
"private" behaviors including but not restricted to drug use, Gfroerer and
Hughes (1992) report that face-to-face interviewing is generally associated with the
reporting of greater drug use, and of lower income and education. Studies by Aquilino
(1992), Aquilino and LoSciuto (1989), and LoSciuto, Aquilino, and Licari (1993) found
lower rates of self-reported drug use by African American respondents in telephone as
compared to face-to-face interviews; Johnson, Hougland, and Clayton (1989) found lower
rates of self-reported drug use for university respondents in telephone as compared to
face-to-face interviewing. On the other hand, McAuliffe and his colleagues (1987) have
argued that a study of Rhode Island respondents to a telephone drug use survey did not
suggest inaccuracy in reporting. Although they acknowledge lower estimates of drug use in
the studies initiated to date comparing telephone to face-to-face interviewing, McAuliffe
and colleagues (1994) assert that the differences are insignificant in relation to
estimates of prevalence; may be nonexistent in relation to rates of heavy use or
dependency, which can be particularly crucial to treatment planning; and may be further
reduced through the refinements to telephone interviewing suggested in their manual.
State planning offices have applied survey data from national
samples to their own local situations (Minugh, n.d.). Through this practice, unwarranted
assumptions may be made about the comparability of national to local circumstances. Thus,
even if efforts are made to correct for differences in demographic characteristics,
differences in community variables (e.g., drug availability, drug potency, police
activity, population density) may nonetheless make the application of national findings
inappropriate. Issues in extrapolating from available data sets to local communities are
explored further in the section "Strategies for Estimating Drug Use."
Sections
A number of strategies explore the impact of drug
use on the health, criminal justice, and social service agencies in a community. These
strategies are, therefore, described as using indicator data or indirect measures (Kimmel,
1992). In these initiatives, as is typically the case with survey strategies, an effort is
made to monitor drug use over time. However, whereas surveys are concerned with obtaining
representative or unbiased samples, studies using problem-oriented measures are typically
restricted in their capacity to conduct equally rigorous study. Nonetheless, Weisner and
Schmidt (1995) make a particularly compelling argument for the need to explore the impact
of drug abuse on a wide range of community agencies. In their study of client populations
admitted to health, social service, and criminal justice agencies, they found that drug
abuse treatment captures a small percentage of the weekly or more frequent drug users seen
by the several service agencies operating in a community. Moreover, only a minority of
drug users seen in one system (e.g., criminal justice) may have been in contact with the
drug abuse treatment system within the preceding year or, in other study, within their
lifetimes (Tyon, 1988).
Drug Use Data from the Health Care System
Drug abuse is a health care issue that both directly
and indirectly affects a number of areas of health care delivery. Drug abuse is associated
with infectious diseases (e.g., tuberculosis, sexually transmitted disease, hepatitis B
and C, and AIDS), with psychological and alcohol problems, and with adverse reactions such
as overdoses. The assessment of these consequences and concomitants of drug use can be
used to understand the populations negatively affected by drug use, to determine the types
of drugs responsible for creating specific health care problems in a community (Gfroerer,
1991; Kimmel, 1992), and to provide a basis for monitoring the changing nature of drug use
in a community (Gerstein & Harwood, 1990). Those problem indicators can be used to
clarify and monitor at least some aspects of a communitys needs regarding drug abuse
treatment.
Data collected at hospital emergency rooms and
medical examiners' offices have been used to determine the extent to which drug use is
associated with medical emergencies and deaths. The data collection strategies developed
by federal authorities have been modified a number of times since their introduction in
1972 and currently involve the use of a nationwide sample of programs chosen from a mix of
metropolitan (cities and surrounding areas) and nonmetropolitan areas. In the federally
maintained Drug Abuse Warning Network (DAWN), data are collected from more than 500
hospitals (emergency rooms) in 21 metropolitan areas and additional nonmetropolitan areas,
and from 135 medical examiners' offices in 27 metropolitan areas and additional
nonmetropolitan areas. Brief forms have been developed to record demographic
characteristics, drugs used, and routes of drug administration. For emergency room
clients, sources of substances, reasons for the use of the substances reported, and
reasons for emergency room admission are recorded. For medical examiner cases, cause and
manner of death are recorded. All emergency room admissions and all medical examiner cases
are included, provided they show evidence of either a medically inappropriate use of
prescription or over-the-counter drugs or a use of illicit substances. The data are used
to characterize metropolitan areas and, through repeated administration, to report trends
within those areas and nationally (NIDA, 1991b, 1991c). The data may be reported annually,
as in the reports cited above, or may be reported quarterly. The latter is particularly
useful in analyzing trends in drug use, as reflected in drug-involved medical emergencies,
for a consistent panel of emergency rooms and medical examiners' offices (NIDA, 1990).
The methodology developed to assess and monitor drug use
in the health care system on a national level is, of course, available to local
jurisdictions as well. The resources required are significantly less than those required
for surveys; however, such an effort needs the commitment of staff to perform data
collection and entry and to carry out analysis. In addition, it is imperative that
quality-control procedures are in place to guarantee the integrity of data collected.
Savings may be realized through a use of time sampling strategies as long as the times at
which data are gathered are chosen without bias.
Assessment of drug use involving the health care system or
other indicator data cannot provide the estimates of incidence and prevalence available
through use of population surveys employing probability sampling. Such assessment can,
however, be used to clarify selected issues regarding drug use and treatment need in a
community. Specifically, we can determine the drugs creating a problem for individuals in
a community, as well as the nature of individuals experiencing difficulties in association
with the nonmedical use of drugs. Through the regular collection of that data, we also can
establish trends in the nature of drugs abused and the characteristics of abusers. That
information then can be used to understand the responsiveness, or lack of responsiveness,
of the community's drug treatment system.
Because the data collected are from one segment of
the community service delivery system (i.e., from the health care system)and indeed
from one segment of the health care systemthey must be interpreted cautiously. That
is, they clarify community drug problems and drug users affecting a significant, although
limited, portion of the community service systems. The value of indicator data can be
enhanced by gathering additional data from other segments of the community (i.e.,
regarding other indicators) to clarify the nature of the drug use and the drug users seen
in other parts of the community service systems.
Within the health care system, data also can be
gathered from those agencies providing treatment for sexually transmitted diseases (STDs),
hepatitis, tuberculosis, and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS). All are diseases
of obvious significance to the community, and all are diseases to which drug users are
particularly vulnerable. A concern with all, except perhaps STDs, is that they are
weighted toward an emphasis on injection drug users. Nonetheless, as long as that emphasis
is understood, the monitoring of clients of these systems can add significant information
regarding both the nature of drug users of particular concern to the community and trends
in their numbers, characteristics, and the association between drug use and infectious
disease. In addition, agencies serving pregnant women and infants may provide useful data
regarding women in the community.
Monitoring the mental health and alcoholism
treatment systems provides an opportunity to assess drug use and drug users from a
population that may be expected to differ significantly from those found in facilities
treating infectious disease, since mental health and alcoholism programs are more likely
to see noninjection drug users. Moreover, the ongoing concern regarding psychiatric
comorbidity makes it apparent that these populations have, and will continue to have,
significance for an understanding of drug use and drug users in a community (McLellan,
1991).
A final element of the health care system that
requires study and monitoring is drug abuse treatment. The evaluation of applicants and
referrals to community drug abuse treatment programs is important to assessing treatment
need on several levels. As noted above, this population can be used to describe treatment
demand (i.e., the extent to which treatment is being requested in a community). The extent
to which treatment is sought or individuals are referred to treatment is, in many
respects, the clearest indication of treatment need in a community. The extent to which a
community is unable to meet the demand being placed on it (i.e., must maintain waiting
lists or reject applicants) provides the clearest expression of a communitys
immediate treatment services need. In addition, a review of applicants and referrals over
time can identify emerging populations of concern and suggest service needs associated
with those changing populations. Obviously, the monitoring of trends in the treatment
population over an extended period increases accuracy in reporting changes in the
treatment population and confidence in determining the programming and services needed. By
tracking applicants and referrals, several state drug abuse authorities identified a need
for expanded services and resources to serve youthful and female clients, whereas others
placed an increased emphasis on homeless, comorbid, and HIV-infected clients (NIDA &
NIAAA, 1992).
Ideally, efforts to understand the effectiveness of
drug abuse treatment programming will go hand-in-hand with monitoring trends in treatment
populations. Thus, program effectiveness in meeting the needs of the changing treatment
population can be studied. The appearance of a greater number of clients showing a
particular characteristic (e.g., referrals from the criminal justice system) does not in
itself determine the need for additional or modified services. A treatment program
offering a comprehensive array of services may be meeting the needs of those clients. In
general, it is useful, if not essential, to combine the monitoring of treatment
populations with program evaluation to make an informed judgment regarding the need for
additional treatment services.
Monitoring treatment applicants and referrals
requires the use of a careful intake instrument, or battery of instruments, to clarify
issues of respondents' functioning and backgrounds, as those may be significant to program
planning for the individual and the community. A variety of measures have been developed
or borrowed from other fields for use during intake to drug abuse treatment. These are
described in detail elsewhere (Inciardi, 1994; McLellan & Dembo, 1993; NIDA, 1994b,
1994c).
Most important, perhaps, the characteristics and
behaviors of those referring themselves or being referred to drug abuse treatment can be
compared to the characteristics and behaviors of drug users identified in other community
service programs to clarify how effectively treatment programs are meeting community
concerns. Differences in types of drug use, and in other drug-user characteristics,
between treatment applicants or referrals and drug users in other systems can help to
identify populations underrepresented in the treatment community and can suggest
associated service needs. Again, it should be emphasized that an understanding of
treatment need based on a comparison of drug abuse treatment applicants and referrals to
entrants into other community service agencies is strengthened by the use of as large a
number of relevant agencies (i.e., data points) as feasible.
Drug Use Data from the Criminal Justice System
The criminal justice system includes a significant
number of drug users. The link between drug abuse and criminal activity is well
established, and the significance of that linkage for public support of treatment makes it
important that the drug users seen in drug abuse treatment reflect closely the users seen
in the criminal justice system. Thus, monitoring the characteristics of drug-using
arrestees becomes an important procedure for clarifying the effectiveness of drug abuse
treatment.
As with entrants into the health care system,
strategies have been devised for assessing and monitoring criminal justice clients. The
Drug Use Forecasting (DUF) program, initiated in 1988 by the Department of Justice,
obtains a structured interview and urine specimen from a sample of adult and juvenile
booked arrestees (consecutive admissions) in 24 cities nationwide (not all cities gather
data on juveniles). Data are analyzed by demographic characteristics, drugs
reported/identified, charges, and so on (National Institute of Justice [NIJ], 1995).
Again, as with DAWN health care settings, the use of a consistent instrument and of same
sites allows change in drug use to be monitored over time.
As noted, a monitoring of arrestees' drug use is
important to treatment needs assessment because that population is particularly
significant to community planning. Monitoring arrestee drug use also can be significant to
an assessment of treatment demand in that drug-using offenders may be subject to
institutional treatment or referral to community treatment services through probation,
Treatment Alternatives to Street Crime (TASC), or drug courts. Moreover, there is evidence
that drug-using arrestees differ in drug use patterns from drug users identified in the
health care system (NIDA, 1980), and significant numbers of drug users appear in the
criminal justice system who have never attended drug abuse treatment (Tyon, 1988), giving
further support to the use of multiple data points to clarify the nature of drug use and
treatment need in the community.
As with any survey strategy, the accuracy of
findings can be compromised by refusals or inaccurate self-reports. The risk of refusals
and inaccuracies would seem to be heightened in working with a criminal justice
populationparticularly a criminal justice population awaiting adjudication (i.e., a
population whose drug use could be used against them). Indeed, studies suggest a
significant underreporting of drug use by both adult (Mieczkowski, Barzelay, Gropper,
& Wish, 1991) and juvenile arrestees (Feucht, Stephens, & Walker, 1994). It is
important to clarify that self-report information provided will be treated confidentially
and anonymously and to gather biological data where feasible. In fact, the DUF program
obtains response rates of greater than 90% of arrestees sampled and obtains urine
specimens from more than 80% of those sampled (NIJ, 1995).
In reporting drug use by arrestees, DUF relies on
the results of urine testing, thereby increasing accuracy through the use of that
biological measure rather than risking the influence of memory or social desirability on
self-report. However, the use of urine testing results in a focus on recent drug use only,
thus providing a conservativeand incompletereport of arrestees' drug use.
Nonetheless, the significance of this population and the capacity to obtain highly
accurate information on its recent drug use at relatively modest expense (the population
is literally captured for study) make the monitoring of criminal justice populations an
attractive strategy for helping to assess the treatment needs of the community. Hair assay
may be used to extend the reporting period (Cone, Yousefnejad, Darwin, & Maguire,
1991; DuPont & Baumgartner, 1995; Mieczkowski, Landress, Newel, & Coletti, 1993;
Wang, Cone, & Zacny, 1993; Wang, Darwin, & Cone, 1994), although caution has been
urged in association with the potential for environmental contamination (Goldberger,
Caplan, Maguire, & Cone, 1991; Wang & Cone, 1995).
In addition to data from arrestees, information
regarding drug use in a community may also be obtained through law enforcement activities
involving purchases of street drugs, the interdiction of drugs entering a community, and
arrests for drug violations. Drug buys can provide data regarding the types of drugs
available on the street as well as their strength and purity, thereby helping to identify
drugs having implications for treatment. However, it may not be readily apparent whether a
given drug buy accurately represents the type and potency of drugs available in a
community. Similarly, drugs obtained through interdiction may have high or low claims to
being representative of drugs available. In addition, drug arrests require clarification
regarding circumstances under which the data have been collected. Arrestee numbers and
types may represent normal police activity or may reflect a special concern of the
community, such as an effort to "clean up" a particular area, and thereby be
atypical of the drug problem in the larger community. Although gathered under far less
rigorous conditions than other data described in this section, data from law enforcement
can be useful if placed in a context of community events and if used in conjunction with
data from other sources.
Drug Use Data from the Social Service System
Data from social service agencies have been far less
frequently employed for needs assessment than have data from health care and criminal
justice agencies. Among social service agencies, only shelters for homeless individuals
and runaway youth have received significant attention as sites for assessing or serving
drug users. Awareness and concern about the numbers of drug users in those facilities have
accompanied increasing concerns about both psychiatric comorbidity and HIV infection.
Large numbers of homeless individuals show evidence of drug use and psychological
dysfunction (Task Force on Homelessness and Severe Mental Illness, 1992), while the
runaway population is perceived to be significantly involved in drug use and unprotected
sex to obtain drugs and survive on the streets (Pires & Silber, 1991). Surveys of
homeless and runaway populations have been undertaken as one-time initiatives to
characterize the population in question rather than as part of a monitoring strategy to
assess ongoing community need (e.g., NIDA, 1993, regarding homeless persons;
Rotheram-Borus & Koopman, 1991, regarding runaway youth).
Other social service settings may be seen as
significant to understanding numbers and characteristics of drug users as well as the
relationship between a selected community concern (e.g., abuse and neglect cases) and
substance abuse. However, in association with both the expense and the imposition on
individuals and agency staff, those settings should be selected carefully in terms of
their significance for drug abuse and the likelihood of locating individuals not found in
other settings from which samples are being drawn.
Drug Use Data from the Work Site
Drug testing in the workplace is now a common
practice (DuPont, Griffin, Siskin, Shiraki, & Katze, 1995; Willette, 1986). Urine
screens for a range of drugs of concern to employers, as well as to the community, provide
still another data source regarding drug use (American Management Association, 1995).
Biological data have the advantage of being viewed as more valid than the self-report data
available in other assessments and are collected from a segment of the public that is not
readily available otherwise. Correlating drug use measures with community problems and
negative consequences leads to a sampling from populations that survive largely on the
fringes of society. The use of data from job applicants provides information on drug use
in the community from a population more likely to have a stake in mainstream life.
Additional findings may be available from Employee Assistance Programs (EAPs) or from
random urine screens of current employees. Data from job applicants and employees,
collected over time, may provide a significant additional perspective on drug use in the
community. Again, there is utility in obtaining as many data points as feasible with a
view toward understanding the nature of drug use and the characteristics of drug users in
order to plan for programmingor modifications to existing programsthat can
best serve those needs.
Data from employers for community planning should be
obtained without individual identifiers, that is, both anonymously and confidentially. In
this initiative, and in all assessments, the investigators have a responsibility to the
individual, as well as to the community, and should have structures in place to guarantee
the confidentiality and security of all data collected.
Drug Use Data from Community Experts
Important data about drug use can be gathered
from community experts such as teachers and school counselors, probation officers,
caseworkers in the social service system, administrators of homeless shelters, police,
housing authority personnel, and medical practitioners. They can be viewed as "key
informants" with regard to different aspects of community functioning (although, as
described below, the term key informants is frequently used to describe those who
are more intimately a part of the drug scene). The program records available through these
informants are important for needs assessment. However, the views of community experts are
important as well, not only because they are uniquely positioned to describe drug use
within their areas of responsibility, but also because they can influence community
opinion regarding drug use within those areas. The viewpoints of individuals in positions
of significant responsibility have the potential to reverberate through the community.
To gather information, two strategies are often
employed. First, individuals can be interviewed using open-ended questions relating to
several general themes the interviewer plans to explore with each subject, while providing
latitude for the interviewer to pursue issues that appear promising. A second strategy
involves a use of focus groups in which community experts meet as a part of a group in
which they are expected to discuss issues the groups leader poses to them in an
effort to share ideas and observations and to clarify those issues. The capacity of
community experts to clarify trends in the nature and extent of persons being served as
well as community treatment services available can have implications for demand as well as
need.
Uses of Data from Surveys Employing Probability and Nonprobability Sampling
Although no data collection strategy is perfect,
most researchers would agree that surveys employing probability sampling provide the best
estimate of drug use in a community. As discussed above, obtaining accurate findings with
that strategy requires that all parts of the population of interest be represented in the
sample drawn, and that the instrument used is capable of obtaining unbiased responses
(i.e., of minimizing the risk of cognitive errors and of errors associated with social
desirability). When properly conducted, surveys using probability sampling provide the
most accurate measure of treatment need. Survey strategies using nonprobability sampling
explore drug use in relation to problems created by, or in association with, that drug
use. That is, these strategies measure drug use by individuals who are already
experiencing and creating problems in the community. Moreover, by examining changing
patterns in drug use for differing populations in a community, investigators and planners
may explore for the existence of leading indicators (e.g., of populations whose drug use
patterns precede and foretell later use in the community by other groups).
Strategies for Estimating Drug Use
A long-standing concern of needs assessment has been
the construction of estimation models that can be used to describe the prevalence of drug
use in the general population and in selected subpopulations. Thus, the NHS has been used
to generate estimates of drug use prevalence through the application of weights for age,
sex, and ethnicity to approximate their representation in the general population while
compensating for survey nonresponse on the one hand and undercoverage on the other (NIDA,
1991a, 1991b). In this way the numbers of users of different drugs have been estimated
(within certain confidence intervals), and those estimates have been used to understand
treatment need and, at times, to judge the success or failure of national drug abuse
strategies. Using a comparable estimation strategy, Regier and colleagues (1988) developed
population estimates of individuals meeting diagnostic criteria for drug dependence or
abuse based on interviews conducted in five metropolitan areas exploring mental health
issues.
The Institute of Medicine (IOM) also made use of
measures of drug dependence/abuse and applied these to data from the NHS to develop
estimates of treatment needs. Specifically, the IOM defined four levels of treatment need
(clear, probable, possible, and likely) based on three criteria: (a) frequency of drug
use, (b) symptoms of drug dependence, and (c) functional problems attributable to drug
use. The IOM applied comparable criteria to data available for criminal justice clients
and the homeless to derive population estimates of the numbers of people in household,
criminal justice, and homeless populations who could be seen as clearly and probably
needing treatment.
In instances in which a particular community is
concerned with estimating the rate of drug use but lacks specific data, the community may
elect to develop synthetic estimates. As described by Wickens (1993), with synthetic
estimates, a calibration population (or populations) for which drug use is known is used
to generate information about drug use in the target population for which information
regarding drug use is lacking. Synthetic estimates may employ a variable or variables
related to drug use, such as rates of drug arrests or of AIDS, which are known for other
communities (calibration populations) as well as for the community of concern (target
population). The relationship between these variables related to drug use (i.e., ancillary
variables) and drug use can then be calculated for the calibration populations and the
resulting linear interpolation applied to the target community. Simeone, Rhodes, and Hunt
(1995) propose the use of this model to estimate the number of "hardcore" drug
users for cities and describe a strategy for obtaining the needed data and developing
estimates.
Alternatively, synthetic estimates may employ data
from a calibration population in which rates of drug use can be calculated by demographic
characteristics (e.g., gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status) and extrapolated to a
target community for which rates of drug use are not known, but the composition of the
community by demographic characteristics is known. In this way, rates of drug use may be
developed for subpopulations and for the full population of the target community.
The accuracy of synthetic estimates depends on the
comparability of the calibration population to the target population. As described by
Wickens (1993), there is a risk that target and calibration communities may differ in ways
that compromise accurate estimation. Thus, drug availability, police presence, treatment
availability, community attitudes toward drug use, and so on may vary between communities,
reducing their comparability. In addition, Kimmel (1992) notes that drug use patterns may
vary between communities in ways unrelated to their demography such that amphetamine use
may be prevalent in one community and PCP in another despite apparent similarities in
population characteristics.
As described by Hser (1993a, 1993b) and Wickens
(1993), estimates of the prevalence of drug use in a community also can be undertaken
where the frequency of entry into a selected data system (e.g., drug abuse treatment) is
known for some portion of the drug-using population provided that the data are seen
as following a Poisson distribution. That is, if the population can be assumed to be
homogeneous and rates of entry can be seen as largely constant over time independent of
the individual or of extraneous events, an estimate can be made of the portion of the
population that has not entered the data system based on the numbers and frequency of
entry of those who have, and thereby an estimate can be made of the total population. The
result is a truncated Poisson estimate of population size. Homogeneity among population
members is a particular concern (Wickens, 1993). Individuals who do not enter into
treatment (i.e., the data system) may differ in important ways from those who do, and/or
those entering treatment with differing frequencies may differ from each other, leading to
an inaccurate estimate of the unobserved portion of the population.
Multiple-capture models for estimating drug use
prevalence use findings for individuals who have an opportunity to enter one or more data
systems over time (Brecht & Wickens, 1993; Frank, Schmeidler, Johnson, & Lipton,
1978; Wickens, 1993; Woodward, Bonett, & Brecht, 1985). Estimation procedures then
involve the calculation of the unknown (i.e., unobserved) portion of the population based
on statistical models applied to the observed entries into data systems over time. Again,
a Poisson distribution is seen as governing the distribution of drug use cases, and the
assumptions underlying the Poisson distribution are seen as operative.
Like the multiple-capture strategy, the Jolly-Sever
capture-recapture model has a long history in drug use estimation (Hser, 1993a; Hunt,
1979; Wickens, 1993). Capture-recapture studies are employed when individual drug users
entering multiple data systems in a community (e.g., drug abuse treatment and the criminal
justice system) can be individually identified and accurately recorded. Individuals
"marked" in the drug abuse treatment system can then be "recaptured"
if and when they enter the criminal justice system. An estimate of the drug-using
population is then calculated using information about the relative sizes of the
populations and of their overlaps. Wickens (1993) notes that the capture-recapture model
is not a particularly useful strategy given the difficulty in meeting its several
assumptions (e.g., the behavior of the individual is unaffected by his or her capture
history; individuals in the population behave independently and identically).
As described by Wickens (1993), an additional
estimation strategy, the Markov and semi-Markov models, uses a technique in which the
rules for transitions between the states a drug user may occupy (e.g., drug abuse
treatment and abstinence in the community) are developed to guide estimates of population
size. Hser (1993b) used this technique to estimate the number of injection drug users in
Los Angeles County. In this estimation strategy, members of the target population are
classified into three states: never observed, currently observed, and previously but not
currently observed. Probabilities are constructed for rates of transition between states
for which observation is available (i.e., a Markov chain is developed). The hidden
component can then be calculated through use of the observed components. As with other
estimation models, this strategy assumes the independence of observations and the
equivalence of the unknown and known parts of the population.
System dynamics models (Homer, 1993; Wickens, 1993)
explore prevalence in the context of the system dynamics in which drug use occurs. Thus,
as described by Wickens (1993), "an estimate of the prevalence of drug use might be
made in the context of a description that includes measures of drug distribution, drug
consumption, and the societal response to consumption and use." Four types of
variables are involved in constructing the model. Exogenous variables involve
quantitative data available with regard to drug use (e.g., drug arrests). Level
variables represent relevant but unavailable data (e.g., numbers of drug users). Rate
variables describe the rate of change over time of the level variable. Constants
are quantitative variables that govern the connections between level variables (e.g.,
constants would be employed to relate change in drug availability to change in drug-user
patterns). Formulae are then developed showing rates of change of level as functions of
exogenous and level variables and of constants. Wickens (1993) suggests that system
dynamics analysis lends itself best to policy analysis.
A policy analysis strategy is also described by
Kahan, Rydell, and Setear (1995), in this instance making use of a computer model allowing
participants to test the effectiveness and measure the costs of treatment strategies
designed to affect rates of heavy and light drug users in a hypothetical community as well
as affecting initiation and transitions within drug use. The seminar gaming initiative
they describe in association with this computer modeling appears to lend itself to
planning initiatives in which data, available from the community sources described above,
are used in conjunction with findings from treatment evaluation research. Thus, differing
scenarios of community treatment might be tested relative to data appropriate to that
community.
Sections
As described by Feldman and Aldrich (1990),
ethnographic research involves the study of social phenomena from the viewpoint of the
individual experiencing those phenomena. Most typically, the tools of the ethnographer are
observation and open-ended questioning of members of the group or culture under
observation (i.e., fieldwork involving qualitative rather than quantitative methodology).
Ethnographic methods become of especial significance where the population of concern is
not readily accessible for more usual survey methods (i.e., can be described as a
"hidden population"), or where the functioning of groups, or of individuals
within groups, cannot be detailed through quantitative methodology (Lambert, 1990).
A particular case in point is represented by studies
involving users of illicit drugs. Individuals engaged in illicit behaviors cannot be
sampled in a manner that permits representativeness on the one hand or study of social and
commercial interactions in the comparative comfort of a university laboratory on the
other. Researchers enter the drug users' world and seek out individuals and situations
that will allow data collection regarding typical events and people without claim to an
unattainable representativeness.
The use of key informants is sometimes described as
critical to such study (Adler, 1990; Goldstein, Spunt, Miller, & Belluci, 1990). Key
informants are a major source of information about the behaviors or events in question and
can provide entree to others in the community under study. Thus, the key informant in this
instance is a study subject with some standing in the community. Key informants can
provide information regarding the nature and functioning of the drug culture and can
facilitate the recruitment of additional subjects for study. Working with street-based
drug users in this way and through snowball sampling can be important to developing
strategies to engage individuals in drug treatment. As one example, a central finding of
studies of street-based injection drug users has been that a substantial percentage (over
40%) had never entered drug abuse treatment in spite of long histories of injection drug
use (Brown & Needle, 1994). Future studies with key informants or with use of snowball
sampling (van Meter, 1990) might explore the impediments to treatment entry for these
users.
The use of ethnographic field stations in a
community to engage street users systematically could be employed as a strategy to
understand the changing nature of street drug use in terms of drugs of choice, user
characteristics, and drug use patterns (e.g., transitions from crack or inhaling/smoking
heroin to injection of cocaine or heroin, respectively). Systematically gathering
street-level information from an unbiased sample of users could provide useful data
regarding treatment need and planning. At the same time, individual studies can clarify
issues regarding treatment entry and accessibility for the population not using treatment.
Ethnographic studies have been viewed as clarifying national trends in drug use (Office of
National Drug Control Policy, 1995) as well as trends in individual cities (NIDA, 1992).
The strengths of ethnographic study are readily
apparent. Ethnographers go where no man or woman with a clipboard has gone before; they
obtain information directly from the population in question (in this case the population
of out-of-treatment drug users) who are otherwise inaccessible. (Ethnographic study in the
interest of treatment need, like quantitative study, also can be used to address issues of
treatment retention or, more specifically, to clarify reasons for early dropout through
study of in-treatment and dropout populations.) The information available from
out-of-treatment drug users can suggest strategies to make treatment both more accessible
and more effective and can be used as an additional source of data for monitoring drug use
behaviors in the community.
The weaknesses of ethnographic study are equally
apparent. The data collected can never be assumed to represent more than the individuals
or locales selected. The interpretation and reporting of that data may be selective in
association with the theoretical orientation and beliefs of the ethnographer, although
strategies have been developed to provide safeguards regarding the reliability and
validity of ethnographic data (Fritz, 1990).
Finally, it must be acknowledged that conducting
ethnographic study or mounting ethnographic field stations, although not involving
inordinate expense, does involve use of a resourcetrained ethnographers
knowledgeable about drug abuse issuesthat is in short supply.
Sections
As reported above, conducting a treatment needs assessment demands
an intention to increase or to modify treatment resources in response to study findings.
Thus, not only treatment need but also treatment availability and potential should be
assessed. The assessment of treatment services available to drug users involves
understanding the capacity of drug abuse treatment programs in the community and the
current efforts of other health care and rehabilitative agencies to provide services to a
drug-using population. Mental health clinics, criminal justice agencies, area
rehabilitative programs, and so on are all significant to drug abuse programming. Thus, as
described above, the assessment of community resources can be viewed as having two
components. On the one hand, there is study of the community's capacity to make drug abuse
treatment available (i.e., to dedicate space, people, and resources to drug abuse
clients); on the other, there is study of the community's capacity to provide those
services deemed important for the client population. The latter may be provided at the
drug treatment site or elsewhere and may include psychiatric treatment, infectious disease
treatment, prevention education, prenatal and maternity care, vocational rehabilitation
services, outreach, and aftercare. It should be clear at the outset that a community-based
treatment needs assessment is unlikely to find that all services needed can be confined to
a stand-alone building removed from the life and functioning of the community. In return
for community services received, the drug treatment programs should be prepared to provide
assistance to community agencies regarding their drug-using clients. In this regard, it
should be emphasized that needs assessment, as it relates to drug treatment, can be used
to clarify not only whether the numbers and types of drug users in treatment reflect the
numbers and drug-user characteristics in the community, but also whether the service needs
of drug users are being met by the drug treatment system. To access needed health and
social services identified through needs assessment, treatment programs may find it
necessary to provide training to staff of those other services as well as cross-training
involving their own staffs.
As is apparent from the above discussion, the determination of
community resources in terms of services available to drug abuse clients is a matter of
both resources (i.e., space, staff, and money) and attitude (i.e., the willingness to
provide services to the drug abuse client). The former, at least, can be determined
largely by a use of questionnaires, records review, and observation. Care should be taken
to sample individuals who are knowledgeable about their agencies and who have significant
administrative responsibility in those organizations. Interviewers should represent a
broad-based community group rather than the narrow interests of the drug abuse treatment
communities.
The assessment of the openness of community service providers to
make available services to drug users might be determined in interviews or questionnaires,
and may also be addressed in the context of focus groups designed to bring together
relevant community members to explore issues in providing services to drug abuse clients.
The use of focus groups has several advantages. It can set in motion a process involving
not only the elaboration of shared concerns, but the exploration of possible solutions.
Where new initiatives are discussed, there is an advantage to their being discussed in a
public forum. Thus, the commitment to explore a strategy of change or accommodation is a
commitment made publicly.
Finally, it should be apparent that the assessment of treatment
resources, like the assessment of treatment need, must be undertaken by a community group
or coalition that possesses the will and authority to command cooperation in the
assessment process and to provide leadership to the process of systems change and
expansion. In short, assessments of community treatment needs and resources are best
underwritten by a community group that understands its role to be that of an agent of
change, has the authority to act in that role, and awaits the results of those assessments
in order to take remedial action on behalf of the community.
Sections
Selecting an Assessment Strategy
A needs assessment strategy is determined by the questions being
asked, the data sources available, and the resources that exist for making that
assessment. When determining community treatment needs, household surveys employing an
appropriate definition of drug abuse (e.g., one based in DSM-IV criteria) may provide a
best estimate of treatment need, again when supplemented by the use of problem-oriented
measures. Where treatment demand is at issue, a narrower range of measures is available.
Surveys employing probability sampling are likely to be the most
costly assessment strategies available. Alternatively, surveys involving nonprobability
sampling can be employed to explore drug use in the health care, criminal justice, and
social service systems. As discussed above, the more data sources (i.e., the more
populations for study), the more confidence that can be placed in the trends identified.
Comparison can be drawn between the drug-using behaviors and characteristics of these
populations and those of the treatment population in general to clarify the extent to
which treatment programs are meeting community needs. These studies can be augmented by
findings from secondary data sources and from ethnographic studies of out-of-treatment
drug users to further clarify issues of treatment access and services needed.
Finally, emphasis should be placed on the importance of testing and
refining needs estimation models. Ultimately, the greatest utility of the data collection
systems described may come in their capacities to generate reliable estimates of community
need.
Reporting the Findings of Needs Assessment Study
The findings from a needs assessment study should be reported in a
manner that permits their use to achieve community change. Thus, the findings must be
clearly grounded in science (i.e., must possess credibility), but must be stated in a
language and format that permits their effective use by a community group or coalition.
Additionally, the findings from a needs assessment must be produced in a timely manner.
Typically, there is a window of opportunity to produce change in a community that may be
tied to political forces, to the timing of budgetary decisions, or to other issues.
Consequently, needs assessment is typically science on a timetable.
The sharing of findings is best done through a combination of oral
presentation to the community group under whose auspices studies have been conducted and
written materials to establish a permanent record and reference source for the community.
Both the presentation and the written materials should make substantial use of clearly
articulated tables and figures.
Typically, programmatic change is a distant goal of research and
often depends on the fortuitous use of findings published or reported by the investigator.
In that paradigm, the investigator's responsibility is discharged with the appearance of
study findings in the professional literature or at a scientific conference. Needs
assessment carries a differing set of responsibilities for the investigative team. In the
instance of needs assessment, responsibility can be seen as having been discharged only
consequent to the acceptance and understanding of study findings by the community group.
The successful outcome of study is not journal publication but the initiation of community
change.
Sections
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